By Despoina Papadopoulou (eds.)
This ebook argues in favour of cross-linguistic version in sentence processing by means of delivering empirical facts from ambiguity answer in Greek as L1 and L2. it really is maintained that during hugely inflected languages, like Greek, preliminary parsing judgements are decided via the interplay of morphological and lexical cues instead of by way of common parsing ideas. through the preliminary parse, discourse-level info is restricted through lexical issues, which shows that the human sentence processor is a multi-stage mechanism. The L2 info convey that parsing personal tastes should not completely made up our minds via frequency files and that L2 sentence processing is principally guided by way of lexical details and not more so via different resources of information.
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Extra info for Cross-linguistic Variation in Sentence Processing: Evidence from RC Attachment Preferences in Greek
4. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS At this point it is useful to provide a summary of the sentence processing models presented and evaluated in this chapter. 1. The experimental evidence discussed in chapter 2 is not compelling enough to accept or reject any particular model. Besides, the various experiments conducted in different languages are difficult to compare with each other, due to the different materials and tasks used. Nonetheless, the results are convergent in some respects. , 1995) ⇓ ☛ RC attachment preferences are determined by frequency data Thornton et al.
Fodor makes the assumption that even in silent reading native speakers of a certain language impose the prosodic phrasing on the sentences they read. Some studies (cf. LovriT, 2003; LovriT and Fodor, 2000 among others) have investigated this hypothesis and have found that prosody does have an effect on processing preferences. The advantage of such a proposal is that the universality and generality of a locality principle is maintained and any variation observed is attributed to prosodic effects.
1997: 312). , 1997: 312). As far as the RC attachment ambiguity is concerned, the Head Attachment model predicts a low-attachment preference for the RC, because the only strategy that operates in the case of RC-attachment ambiguity is the most Recent Head Attachment principle. The Head Attachment principle does not differentiate between the two DPs that precede the RC, since both DPs include lexical heads encountered before the RC is processed, thus equally available hosts for the RC. In addition, the Preferred Role attachment principle does not operate in the case of RC-attachment ambiguity, because the RC, being a modifier, cannot be assigned a thematic role.