By Alan Cooper
From the time of Alfred the good until eventually past the tip of the center a long time, bridges have been very important to the rulers and folks of britain, yet they have been pricey and tough to take care of. Who then used to be liable for their maintenance? the reply to this question alterations over the centuries, and how within which it alterations finds a lot approximately legislation and tool in medieval England. the improvement of legislation in regards to the upkeep of bridges didn't keep on with an easy line: felony principles built by means of the Anglo-Saxons, which had made the 1st age of bridge construction attainable, have been rejected by means of the Normans, and royal attorneys of the 13th and fourteenth centuries needed to locate new suggestions to the matter. The destiny of well-known bridges, particularly London Bridge, exhibits the best way the non secular, ancient and entrepreneurial mind's eye used to be pressed into provider to discover ideas; the destiny of humbler bridges indicates the urgency with which this challenge used to be debated around the state. via focusing on this point of functional governance and tracing it in the course of the process the center a while, a lot is proven concerning the barriers of royal strength and the creativity of the medieval felony brain. ALAN COOPER is Assistant Professor of heritage at Colgate college.
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Extra resources for Bridges, Law and Power in Medieval England, 700-1400
71–2. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, ed. Thorpe, I, 364. For these and further examples, see H. C. Darby, The Medieval Fenland (Cambridge, 1940), pp. 43– 52. Evidence of this kind of activity is best preserved by monastic establishments with their continuous institutional memory, and we may presume that similar activities were taking place on a small scale outside the monasteries. 65 Hoskins, Making of the English Landscape, rev. edn, p. 71. 66 Chronicon monasterii de Abingdon, ed. Joseph Stevenson [RS 2] (London, 1858), I, 2–3; Frank Stenton, The Early History of the Abbey of Abingdon (Reading, 1913), pp.
M. Wallace-Hadrill, ‘A Background to St Boniface’s Mission’ in England before the Conquest: Studies in Primary Sources Presented to Dorothy Whitelock, ed. Peter Clemoes and Kathleen Hughes (Cambridge, 1971), pp. 35–48 at pp. 47–8; see also Levison, England and the Continent, p. 75. 149 Cp. Cubitt, Anglo-Saxon Church Councils, p. 104: ‘The relationship between the canons of the Council of Clofesho and Boniface’s reported Frankish decrees is best explained by the traditional view that the latter influenced the former.
Stevenson, ‘Trinoda Necessitas’, English Historical Review 29 (1914), 689–703. 100 Quoted in Stevenson, ‘Trinoda Necessitas’, p. 690. 101 Quoted in Stevenson, ‘Trinoda Necessitas’, p. 690. 102 Stevenson, ‘Trinoda Necessitas’, pp. 690–91. 106 Yet, because the term has no Anglo-Saxon validity, it will be avoided in the account that follows; moreover, while the term trimoda necessitas should be noted as a tenth-century attempt at expressing the indivisibility of the three obligations, the straightforward term ‘common burdens’, which does not owe its origins to a unique forgery, will be preferred here.